Wednesday, December 11, 2013

Tamil Response Comedy

 A somewhat recent Tamil phenomena of muted reaction to turn of events is at display again in recent weeks.  I am not sure if it is primarily due to the inability to anticipate and plan for such events or if it is because of misplaced priority.  If it is the latter, it is far more damaging than many think.  

Tamil roadmap moves along the hope for an international investigation.  David Cameron’s March deadline further reinforced that hope.  Few other contradicting positions such as the US and India asking for an internal investigations and full implementation of LLRC or India continuing its “secret military ties with Sri Lanka” , or the new curve ball that is the TRC supported by South Africa seem to bring out varying reactions from the Tamils.  Many questioning the timing and the TNA being quite about the developments.   

Sinhala nation has always seen the Tamil nation as a bigger enemy than any external enemy. Thus, it is more willing to negotiate and compromise with an external power than with the Tamils.  Sinhala nation has been good at developing hedging strategies as demonstrated by its centuries old and impressive history of dealing with colonial occupations (Primarily because it retained a space in Kandy for incubating opposition against colonial powers. Tamils did not have such a space until after the British left) . Sinhala nation has relented and mortgaged its sovereignty when push came to shove in order to retain the option for maneuverability at a later time ( eg: 87).  

As mentioned before Sinhala state’s China card is ineffective in terms of military benefits. But for Sri Lanka, China sold an option to delay any binding action through the security council. So, until that option expires, Sri Lanka has more maneuverability in frustrating any other initiatives.  

The talks of Truth and Reconciliation Commission, with the guidance of South Africa, is an obvious ruse by the Sri Lankan state to hedge against and frustrate the initiative for an international investigation.

How should Tamils respond to such a ruse?  It is with a renouncement that such a tactic is untimely. But to request the South African assistance when Tamils are given a chance at justice.  So that the victims can define the parameters of reconciliation just as ANC was able to do in South Africa.

What can tamils possibly hope to achieve by entertaining such a TRC initiative prematurely?  If it happens, It goes against the notion of strategic negotiation.   

A few historical truths are important to understand.

1) Since independence of the island from Britain, consecutive Tamil leaderships have been committed to the Tamil nationalism. And the nationalist threshold has only been increasing.

2) That commitment is largely driven by a very politically conscious Tamil constituency. These constituents took care to maintain pockets of resistance that incubated that political consciousness against many odds.

3) Many attempts to pacify the Tamils, primarily using counterinsurgency tactics, failed miserably.

Given this historical background, one should enter a bargain process only if such an exercise consolidates or preferably increases the space for strategic maneuverability.

In order for one to have that confidence a sufficient and necessary condition should be met.  That the people they represent can be mobilized in support of such an initiative.

LTTE met this condition when it entered into the peace talks in 2002. And it showcased the mobilization through a series of Pongu Tamil events.  LTTE was given international legitimacy during the peace talks with dignitaries making the the trek to the Vanni and the LTTE officials being invited to the capitals for discussions. But as research shows, LTTE was eventually sidelined by the International community in favor of the Sri Lankan state.

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a previous tweet below

Eelapalan ‏@Eelapalan2 Dec

@SolheimDAC @GGPonnambalam her plausibility test shows that IC reduced LTTE's "degree of negotiability" by taking away "strategic parity"

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If TNA miscalculates the reasons for the access it is now receiving from the International players, and if it places too much importance to retaining this access at the cost of neglecting its core strength of retaining the popular support of Tamils, it will end bad for the Tamils.  

There are two reasons given by the supporters of this alternate view.   

1) That the LTTE made a mistake by not compromising to retain the international access at any cost

2) And TNA is now engaged in preciously that and is waiting for an opportune moment to increase the diplomatic strategic space.  And it can then be aggressive.

The first reason deserves an entire write up on its own. But the second reason needs further scrutiny now in light of the TRC discussions.

It is true that the Sinhala Nation has mastered the hedging strategies through diplomatic initiatives.  But Tamils, due to structural limitations, and through errors of omissions, were unable to develop and gain parity in that strategic space.  

LTTE sought parity through military means. Because it saw that as something feasible over a longer period.     

A few now believe that the LTTE employed a very simplistic approach of military means only and that they can go toe-to-toe with the Sinhala nation over strategic diplomacy.

There is absolutely nothing wrong in thinking that as long as the Tamil people remain mobilized and are supportive of that.  I do not believe TNA will be able to achieve that for a premature TRC process.  Any engagement that delays the International Investigations will only erode the Tamil support base for the TNA.  And it will make it much more difficult for the TNA to ever recover from such a mistake.  Delaying tactics, as done during the peace talks, is a proven pacification strategy.  

And, as said in the beginning, Tamils have incubated greater political consciousness against many odds.  If Sinhala nation thinks it can choke out that incubation space through demographic change, it is making another error. Sri lanka ( and to some extent the International community) still fails to comprehend that a parallel incubation space has been created in the diaspora spanning over two generations of Tamils.  So that the Tamil awareness can always be kept alive. But sadly the Sinhalasation project has economic and social endorsement from its Sinhala constituency so the project will continue regardless.  The economic cost to the Sri Lankan state to maintain that kind of tight, undemocratic, grip on Tamils will make it not tenable in the long run.  But the Rajapaksa regime, by integrating the occupation project into a Sinhala economy, has ensured its constituency is supportive of the regime.  To the disappointment of the international powers, a popular Sinhala opposition to the regime remains anemic.  Erosion of that support base, helped by subtle means of International actions, is still in the making.  Until a popular opposition emerges, the International powers will not ratchet up economic pressure risking the destabilization of the country.

Tamil leadership on the other hand needs to retain the popular support.  TNA had the common sense to realize and seize the Tamil support at the very last phase of the NPC election. And with Sumanthiran's help, TNA is taking on issues, such as rule of law and freedom of expression: Issues that also matter to the Sinhala nation. This led to a media characterization of TNA as the true opposition party in Sri Lanka. This characterization also serves the international agenda of putting pressure on the regime while also keeping the TNA within the unitary framework of Sri Lanka.  The danger though in running behind the international endorsements, and in playing the role of responsible opposition, is that Tamil nationalist concerns may have to be muted. This comes across as ignoring the Tamil people’s political consciousness. International powers, waiting for the popular opposition to the Rajapaksa regime to materialize, will also drop the TNA if it doesn't have the popular support of the Tamils.  

If you have the support of a highly mobilized people, then the international endorsement and engagement will follow. But the opposite is not always true.

The Chief Minister’s recent budget speech, after many gaffes, is hopefully a recognition of that urgency. TNA needs to assure the Tamil people in clear terms that it will not be part of any delaying tactic in the form of a TRC.  Remaining silent sets the wrong narrative and TNA will put itself in a corner with the Tamil voters and eventually with the International powers.

 

Sunday, December 1, 2013

Money where the (Sinhala) mouth is

 

Following the money trail often leads to interesting findings. Sri Lanka's 2014 budget is no exception. This budget is as much Sinhala Buddhist as its constitution is. 

This analysis only focuses on one aspect of the budget which is the militarization.

Reference in the title to the Sinhala mouth is intentional.  It is to highlight how it is being fed for the time being and how it is could potentially be robbed of food in the future.  

(Disclaimer: I am more interested in highlighting the general pattern through a trend analysis. But would welcome input on accurate numbers if readers do have access. )

Of the eight sectors, National security & Law enforcement takes up 12.5% (Rs.309,057,392) of the total budget.  To put it in context, that is more than both health and education combined total (Rs. 270,596,000). (1). This has been increasing year over year even after the war has ended.  80% of the total budget for this sector is for, curiously combined, Defence and Urban Development. A mere 20% is allocated for the other half of the sector heading which are Law & order, Justice, Rehabilitation and Prison Reform. 

84% of this sector is recurrent expenditure:  Meant for upkeep and maintenance. 

On the other hand, one subcategory, State Intelligence Service, got a whopping 717% year over year (YoY) increase for its Capital Expenditure.: Meant for Expansion.

So where does this lead to?

Occupation is an expensive business

Active combat is over and it is unlikely in any foreseeable future. So why an exorbitant amount of money is being spent in the name of Defense and National security in a country that has no external enemy? 

Sinhala nation would soon realize occupation is as (or more) expensive as the war was. Military occupation, as referred to by the elected Chief Minister of North Province and many others, to be successful, requires two key elements:  One is troop saturation and the other is a pervasive Intelligent apparatus.

Troop Saturation

Sri Lanka has one of the highest percentage of military per work force in the world.  Sri Lanka is ranked 25th on armed personnel per labor force at a 2.59% on this site (http://mecometer.com/whats/sri-lanka/armed-forces-personnel/ ). 

The first person to broach this subject in the island is Sivaram.  In a brilliant analysis he did in 1997 titled, The Cat, a bell and a few strategists, he analyzed the conflict  through the concept of MPR (Military Participation Ratio).  He concluded correctly, at that time, that LTTE would not need to abandon the military option. But  he turned out to be incorrect when he said “ The maximum degree to which the [Sri Lankan] army can raise its manpower, other things being equal, may not therefore go much beyond .82 percent of the Sinhala population”. Sri Lankan military did raise its manpower beyond that and it happened with recruitments during cease fire periods (1995, 2001). See this chart. Even though this chart is for armed personnel per labor force it correlates the same way to the armed personnel per Sinhala population base.

Sinhala youth were willing to join the military in bigger numbers during peacetime.

I believe the percentage of armed personnel per labor force in Sri Lanka, if looked at it correctly, is much higher.  

Sri Lanka budget proposal deliberately does not list the numbers for the military personnel but does so for the police.  So a quick reverse engineering (Explained at the end of the post ) shows that the total military personnel in Sri Lanka by conservative measure will be over 350,000. it is in line with this Srilanka Campaign infographic. The very latest statistics from Sri Lanka shows a labor force of (Counted as 15 & above) 8,861, 919.  This alone would put the percentage of armed personnel per labor force at 4%, making Sri Lanka the 12th, not the 25th, in the world.  But that still does not reveal the entire trend.  If you were to account for the military recruitment age and understand one absolutely important factor that the Sri Lankan military is mono ethnic, it would move Sri Lanka well above the 12th.  Sri Lankan military is Sinhala, mono ethnic is important for two reasons.  One, it shows the military participation and the economic dependence of the Sinhala nation on it (shown later). Second, it shows a much deeper sociological order of why occupation ( by its very definition ) is externalized along ethnic lines.    

Lets look at the second reason first. Heavily militarily participating Sinhala society sends off its men to the "foreign" Tamil lands. 

As the earlier SriLanka campaign infographic shows and this site highlights, almost the entire ( 19 out of 20 divisions)  Sinhala military is stationed in Tamil areas.  This explains why the state continues to pour more and more money, as allocated in the 2014 budget, into maintaining a saturated military presence in the Tamil regions with the active support of the Sinhala population.

Intelligence Apparatus 

In order to sustain that occupation among a hostile population, the state needs to expand its intelligence apparatus.   The 2014 budget shows a whopping 717% year over year increase in the capital expenditure for the State Intelligence Service. Tamils can be sure of increasing intimidation and harassment in the coming years.   

Return on Occupation

Any time money is spent, the results are measured by the Return on that investment.  So what do Sinhalese and Tamils get in return for this budget spent?

Sinhala Nation

The Sinhala narrative is that of the heros going off to a far off land and fighting the good fight. But when those heros come back and the money does not, would the Sinhala nation's reaction be different?

I would suggest that the Sinhala economical order is propped up by remittance.  

External worker remittance has been the highest revenue generator for the country amounting to 8% of the GDP.  More than 70% of the Sri Lankan population is categorized as rural. It is from here most of the unskilled labor for the foreign labor market is drawn from.  How much this remittance economy has permeated into the Sinhala sociological order would make an interesting study if one does not exist already.  

Does this external worker remittance mindset also explain the remittance of the Sinhala military serving in Tamil regions?  

critical study by Selvarathinam Santhirasegaram of the Jaffna University shows “how military expansion in Sri Lanka contributed to achieve.. macroeconomic goal [of], reduction of unemployment and poverty.”. And his study concludes that it is so in the Sinhala areas because the military is Sinhala.  So the Sinhala nation has an economic dependency on the military and benefits from the expansion as long as it happens externally in the Tamil regions. Sinhala nation recently witnessed the implications of militarization it its own soil in Welliweriya.  That military response to a civilian protest generated the outrage it deserved among the Sinhalese and others. Unfortunately it never translated into an empathy for the Tamils. Tamil civilians are facing the same, but alien, Military at a saturation level of 3:1.  

What do Tamils get in return for the money spent?

Tamil Nation

Tamils continue to face the onslaught of military occupation.  Unable to remember the dead, and unable to move on with their daily life without military intrusion. The recent UN report highlighted the impact of the militarization on the Tamils.  How close military installations are to a Tamil and how often they are visited by Sinhala military men are documented in that report.  This psychological and physical abuse by occupation is not the entire picture. Since we are on the topic of money, the economical impact on Tamils is important.

Sri Lanka groups employment statistics by three industry groups: Agriculture, Industries, and services.  Armed forces are counted under the Services group.  

In the north and east armed forces are intruding into the agriculture and the industries groups as a way to generate revenue. Infographic by the Sri Lanka Campaign and the report by the International Crisis Group highlight this phenomenon. This encroachment into other employment groups denies livelihood to the Tamils.

The 2014 budget of Sri Lanka is a further indication (as if another one is needed) of the entrenched and structural nature of oppression Tamils are facing in the island. 

A budget that aims to fund the occupation by troop saturation and expansion of intelligence services.  If we are to learn from history, no amount of oppression will keep the Tamils wallowing in apathy. If the Sinhala nation continues to tolerate and support this alarming militarization of the Island,  it needs to know these military chickens will one day come home to roost.  

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A logical calculation of the number of military personnel:

Calculate the annual pay rate of police. and assume the same for others.  Divide the annual salary total by the estimated annual pay, this gets a close enough number for the personnel.  

Assumptions: Army is not getting combat pay since the end of war.  Allowances and others don't skew too much towards the officers corps as compared to the police.  


Police:

Personal Emoluments: 26,995,500,000

employment profile: 79,100

estimated per person annual spend:  Rs.341283


Army:

Personal Emoluments: 93,582,860,000

per person annual spend:  Rs.341283

Estimated employment profile: 274,208


Navy:

Personal Emoluments: 26,356,000,000

per person annual spend:  Rs.341283

Estimated employment profile: 77226


Airforce:

Personal Emoluments: 20,988,100,000

per person annual spend:  Rs.341283

Estimated employment profile: 61497


STF:

Personal Emoluments: 3,402,900,000

per person annual spend:  Rs.341283

Estimated employment profile: 9970


total military (excluding police) : 422901

 

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